Testimony of Brevet Major General Robert B. Potter.
Headquarters Army of the Potomac,
Before Petersburg, Va., December 20, 1864.
Brevet Major General Robert B. Potter sworn and examined.
By Mr. Chandler:
Question. What is your rank and position in the army ?
Answer. I am a brigadier general and a brevet major general of volunteers,
commanding the 2d division of the 9th army corps.
Question. Will you state to the committee, as concisely as possible, what you
know in relation to the springing of the mine and assault upon the enemy's
works on the 30th of July last?
Answer. About the 24th of June, I should think, the idea of mining under
the enemy's works in my immediate front was suggested to me; in fact, I had
thought of it before, and several others had thought of the same thing. Lieutenant
Colonel Pleasants, commanding the 48th Pennsylvania volunteers, came
to my quarters and suggested to me that he was familiar with mining, and that many
of the men in his regiment were miners, and that they thought they could undermine
one of the enemy's works in my immediate front. After some conversation
with him, I wrote a communication to General Burnside, who was then my corps
commander, suggesting this plan of mining the enemy's works, and giving some
of the details. The general subsequently sent for me to come to his headquarters
and bring Colonel Pleasants with me, which I did, and we had an interview
with him. Subsequently he notified us that he had submitted the plan to
the general commanding the army of the Potomac, who approved of the same,
and that we were authorized to undertake the work.
This is testimony before the Congressional Committee on the Conduct of the War some months after Petersburg. Aside from the peculiar qualifier "I should think" Potter is sharing an opinion. It's hard to know exactly what was on his mind in late June, but here is his report to IX Corp headquarters six months earlier OR(40)1:220 ...
HEADQUARTERS SECOND DIVISION, NINTH ARMY CORPS,
June 19, 1864.
Lieut. Col. LEWIS RICHMOND,
Assistant Adjutant-General, Ninth Army Corps :
COLONEL: I inclose a report from Colonel Griffin for the information of the commanding general. We also hold the advanced line of yesterday as a picket-line, which is pretty well intrenched. I think of making a covered way to it. This division occupies the entire line as well as supports it, only a picket of the Third Division being left, whose position rendered it inexpedient to relieve them with the others; but this will be done at the earliest opportunity if possible, but my division is pretty well all in use now.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
ROBERT B. POTTER,
Brigadier- General.
P. S.-There is a redoubt not quite 100 yards in front of our line, which I think can be approached by a sap. At any rate, its reduction seems quite practicable with the spade when we get a covered way to the ravine. I will forward a diagram, showing location of batteries, &c., shortly.
and a few days later OR(40)2:396-7, Burnside forwards the Potter message to Meade.
[General MEADE :]
HEADQUARTERS NINTH ARMY CORPS,
June 24, 1864 -- 6.10 p. m.
GENERAL : The following dispatch has just been received, and is forwarded for your information and guidance, in case of the success or repulse of the attack.*
A. E. BURNSIDE,
Major- General.
HEADQUARTERS SECOND DIVISION, NINTH ARMY CORPS,
June 24, 1864.
Maj. Gen. JOHN G. PARKE,
Chief of Staff, Ninth Army Corps:
GENERAL : Lieutenant-Colonel Pleasants, of the Forty-eighth Pennsylvania Veteran Volunteers, commanding First Brigade, has called upon me to express his opinion of the feasibility of mining the enemy's work in my front. Colonel Pleasants is a mining engineer and has charge of some of the principal mining works of Schuylkill County, Pa. He has in his command upward of eighty-five enlisted men and fourteen non-commissioned officers, who are professional miners, besides four officers. The distance from inside of our work, where the mine would have to be started, to inside of enemy's work, does not exceed 100 yards. He is of the opinion that they could run a mine forward at the rate of from twenty-five to fifty feet per day, including supports, ventilation, and so on. It would be a double mine, for as we cannot ventilate by shafts from the top, we would have to run parallel tunnels and connect them every short distance by lateral ones, to secure a circulation of air, absolutely essential here, as these soils are full of mephitic vapors. A few miner's picks, which I am informed could be made by any blacksmith from the ordinary ones; a few hand-barrows, easily constructed ; one or two mathematical instruments, which could be supplied by the engineer department, and our ordinary intrenching tools, are all that are required. The men themselves have been talking about it for some days, and are quite desirous, seemingly, of trying it. If there is a prospect of our remaining here a few days longer I would like to undertake it. If you desire to see Colonel Pleasants I will ride over with him or send him up to you. I think, perhaps, we might do something, and in no event could we lose more men than we do every time we feel the enemy.
Yours, very truly,
ROBERT B: POTTER,
Brigadier-General.
The finished mine was 510 feet in length (170 yards) and had a single main gallery. Digging began at noon on the 25th of June and by early morning three days later was 130 feet long OR(40)2:484
HEADQUARTERS SECOND DIVISION, NINTH ARMY CORPS,
June 28, 1864-8 p. m.
Maj. J. L. VAN BUREN, Aide-de-Camp :
SIR : Colonel Pleasants reports that the gallery was 130 feet at 12
m. to-day by measurement. It was reported to me to be 130 feet about
9.30 a. m., which was the distance I stated to General Burnside this morning. That was, however, only estimated. The gallery was run fifty feet the first day and forty feet each day since, which rate of progression Colonel Pleasants thinks he will be able to maintain.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
ROBERT B. POTTER,
Brigadier- General.
++++++++++++++++++++++
Perhaps in another post we can look at the cautious way generals used qualifiers in their reports and official correspondence. The "I should think" seems peculiar when the written correspondence must have been found in preparation for testimony by mid-December. The "seemingly" poses the question: Why qualify the men's desire to mine?
The mine was proposed by Pleasants on the 24th. By the end of the 25th the tunnel was already 50 feet long. There had been little time to design/construct a "double" mine. Perhaps Potter didn't understand what Pleasants had said? As to the "mephitic vapors" that might lead to such a design, were these Potter's words? or from Pleasants? Major Duane, Chief Engineer of the Army of the Potomac, had authored a manual for military mining and counter-mining in 1862. But coal mining and Army mining were horses of a different color. Duane's manual recognized the need for ventilation in longer mines, but suggested shafts to the surface (not in these conditions, so close to the Confederate lines) and/or parallel galleries connected by horizontal shafts.Perhaps this influenced Potter? Note the following highlight, though. The "simple" ventilation design from coal mining and the speed with which a single gallery was begun and continued so rapidly points to a clear vision in Pleasants' mind and something different in Potters'.
Oliver Christian Bosbyshell (late Major in the 48th)
The 48th in the War
Avil Printing Co., Philadelphia, PA, 1895.
digitized by Google from a copy in the Harvard College Library
The ventilation was accomplished in a very simple way — after a method quite common in the anthracite coal mines. A perpendicular shaft or hole was made from the mine to the surface at a point inside of the Union rifle pits. A small furnace, or fire-place, was built at the bottom of this hole, or shaft, for the purpose of heating the air, and a fire was kept constantly burning, thus creating a draft. A door made of canvas was placed in the gallery, a little outside of this fire-place, thus shutting it in and shielding it from the outside air at the mouth of the mine. Wooden pipes, extending from the outside of this canvas door, along the gallery to the inner end thereof, conducted the fresh air to the point of operations, which, after supplying the miners with pure air, returned along the gallery towards the entrance of the mine, and, being stopped by the canvas door, the vitiated air moved into the furnace and up the shaft to the surface. By this means a constant current of air circulated through the gallery. As the work advanced, the inside end of the wooden pipe was extended so as to carry good air up to the face of the workings.
Bosbyshell's words echo the report of Pleasants OR(40)1:556-563, part of which mentions ventilation and nowhere uses the word "mephitic", which appears only once in the three parts of OR vol. 40.
The mine was ventilated at first by having the fresh air go in along the main gallery as far as it was excavated, and to return charged with the gases generated by the breathing and exhalation of the workmen, by the burning of the candles, and by those liberated from the ground, along and in a square tube made of boards, and whose area was sixty inches. This tube led to a perpendicular shaft twenty-two feet high, out of which this vitiated air escaped. At the bottom of this shaft was p1aced a grating, in which a large fire was kept burning continually, which, by heating the air, rarefied it, and increased its current. Afterward I caused the fresh air to be let in the above-mentioned wooden tube to the end of the work, and the vitiated air to return by the gallery and out of the shaft, placing a partition with a door in the main gallery a little out of the shaft, to prevent its exit by the entrance of the mine. The latter plan was more advantageous, because the gases had to travel a less distance in the mine than before.
Robert Potter was one of those citizen-soldiers whose background could not have prepared him to command a combat division of 5,000 men. He was a 30 year-old attorney at the beginning of the war, with no previous military experience. Intelligent enough to learn how to lead men in battle and brave enough to command from the front, he was still schooled only by his experience with the Army of the Potomac. I'm sure when he looked at the Confederate position on the ridge right in front of his division he might has thought to himself, as did others as well, "yes, we should blow that up", but in fact his first report on the 19th mentions "approached by a sap" .. which would be a trench with perhaps a roller to protect the men with shovels, the most conventional way in siege by "regular approaches". Perhaps he was familiar with Duane's manual, and can that have led him to think this?
or, more likely, was he thinking of this?
Tuesday, June 3, 2014
Saturday, May 31, 2014
The night sky verified
"The night was black and starry with a waning moon ..."
from a history of the 57th Massachusetts Veteran Volunteers
The IX Corps moved from their lines at Cold Harbor on the night of June 12th, marching to the James River. Today's digital tools let us check the night sky for this movement.
One perpetual calendar gives moon phases for Richmond -- the moon rose at 12:23 in the afternoon of the 12th and set twelve hours later at 12:26 am on the 13th. The moon was at first quarter, waxing toward a full moon a week later on the 19th.
If the night was "black and starry" we are led to think there wasn't a great deal of cloud cover. But a "waning moon"? No, it was half full and setting in the west while the men were moving east.
Another wonderful tool is Starry Night from Simulation Curriculum Corp. This allows us to view the sky from any point on (or even off) Earth. A composite image from that program for the sky looking west is shown below (moon at 8, 9, 10 and 11 pm):
(sky from 8 pm, light lingering from the sunset at 7:30, changing to black by 9 pm)
From Robert Krick we have Civil War Weather in Virginia and can find that the temperatures in Washington, D.C. (Georgetown), ranged from the low 60's at night to 75 in the day for the 12th and 13th. In notes he also reports that the weather around Richmond was cooler than normal (cold and cloudy, clear and cool on those days).
from a history of the 57th Massachusetts Veteran Volunteers
The IX Corps moved from their lines at Cold Harbor on the night of June 12th, marching to the James River. Today's digital tools let us check the night sky for this movement.
One perpetual calendar gives moon phases for Richmond -- the moon rose at 12:23 in the afternoon of the 12th and set twelve hours later at 12:26 am on the 13th. The moon was at first quarter, waxing toward a full moon a week later on the 19th.
If the night was "black and starry" we are led to think there wasn't a great deal of cloud cover. But a "waning moon"? No, it was half full and setting in the west while the men were moving east.
Another wonderful tool is Starry Night from Simulation Curriculum Corp. This allows us to view the sky from any point on (or even off) Earth. A composite image from that program for the sky looking west is shown below (moon at 8, 9, 10 and 11 pm):
(sky from 8 pm, light lingering from the sunset at 7:30, changing to black by 9 pm)
From Robert Krick we have Civil War Weather in Virginia and can find that the temperatures in Washington, D.C. (Georgetown), ranged from the low 60's at night to 75 in the day for the 12th and 13th. In notes he also reports that the weather around Richmond was cooler than normal (cold and cloudy, clear and cool on those days).
Tuesday, March 4, 2014
Artillery 30 July 1864 at the Crater
One thing that stands out in much of the Union planning for this attack ... everything will go fine if only there weren't a Confederate army in the field. We have a picture of Burnside readying his HQ to be on the move into Petersburg as soon as his corps sweeps to the top of Cemetery Hill and Ferrero's 4th Division goes double-time down the Plank Road into town. [cite]
One indication of this mentality is Hunt's sketch for 5th, 9th and 18th Corps artillery placement from the OR Atlas Plate LXIV, No. 3:
While a few Confederate positions are marked, many are not shown. The ones not shown played a large role in slowing/stopping the Union advance. It's interesting that the map legend "SKETCH Explanatory Of The Positions ..." sits over the most significant of those Confederate batteries.
The mortars on the far side of the Plank Road were hidden from easy view, as the road was raised over east-west downward slopes. Wright's battery sat at small elevation on the north side of a natural ravine and to the west of thick timber, as a map from the opposition's point of view is shown in another OR Atlas Plate (LXXVIII, No. 5)
Taking just the north part of the full map, starting with batteries 14-18 from the 5th Corps (and #19, the southernmost 9th Corp battery), I've moved the legend to make way for Confederate gun positions.
Various reports show that the Confederates were aware of a mine somewhere on this front and preparations were made by Pendleton and the other artillery officers to have sufficient extra ammunition on hand, just in case. Even though only 3 divisions were left south of the Appomattox when Lee responded to Grant's gambit at Deep Bottom on 27-29 July, they were on full alert.
Sure, the Union generals cooperated fully to make a mess of the attack of the mine, they weren't alone on the battlefield.They did have the full attention of soldiers who were putting up a fierce defense of their home state and towns. Led by very capable men, William Mahone among them.
One indication of this mentality is Hunt's sketch for 5th, 9th and 18th Corps artillery placement from the OR Atlas Plate LXIV, No. 3:
While a few Confederate positions are marked, many are not shown. The ones not shown played a large role in slowing/stopping the Union advance. It's interesting that the map legend "SKETCH Explanatory Of The Positions ..." sits over the most significant of those Confederate batteries.
The mortars on the far side of the Plank Road were hidden from easy view, as the road was raised over east-west downward slopes. Wright's battery sat at small elevation on the north side of a natural ravine and to the west of thick timber, as a map from the opposition's point of view is shown in another OR Atlas Plate (LXXVIII, No. 5)
Taking just the north part of the full map, starting with batteries 14-18 from the 5th Corps (and #19, the southernmost 9th Corp battery), I've moved the legend to make way for Confederate gun positions.
Various reports show that the Confederates were aware of a mine somewhere on this front and preparations were made by Pendleton and the other artillery officers to have sufficient extra ammunition on hand, just in case. Even though only 3 divisions were left south of the Appomattox when Lee responded to Grant's gambit at Deep Bottom on 27-29 July, they were on full alert.
Sure, the Union generals cooperated fully to make a mess of the attack of the mine, they weren't alone on the battlefield.They did have the full attention of soldiers who were putting up a fierce defense of their home state and towns. Led by very capable men, William Mahone among them.
Monday, March 3, 2014
City Point and Army Line
US Military RR from June 1864 to April 1865
Abstract and Chronology of construction, from Official Records III(5):69-74
Mr. C.L. McAlpine, engineer of construction and repairs
13 June: take up track of Richmond and York River RR, remove all material of value
18 June: arrive at City Point, orders to rebuild City Point and Petersburg RR
"the bridges were gone, track taken up, and the iron removed for a distance of four miles."
" ... on to within two miles and a half from Petersburg ... ties were very much decayed and the gauge needed changing from five feet to four feet eight and one-half inches."
5 July: bridges all rebuilt, track repaired and road in running order for 7 miles
7 July: regular trains start running
22 July: orders to make a preliminary survey of branch line from Pitkin Station (5.5 miles from City Point) to 5th Corps HQ at Yellow House. Survey made w/o instruments.
9 August: explosion, accidental[??] of ammunition stored on ordnance boat
30 August: orders to commence building Pitkin to Yellow House
1 September: work commenced
10 September: Pitkin to Yellow House (9 miles), City Point to Yellow House (14.5 miles)
?? September: construction of earthworks about 0.5 miles to protect open track from rebel batteries
October: road bed put in first-rate order, the yard at City Point enlarged, switches, sidings, turn-tables, engine-house, shops; at all stations, sidings laid and station-houses built. Average of 9 trains run each way daily.
22 October: orders received to extend to Peebles house (2.25 miles)
2 November: work on Patrick branch begins; weather raining nearly all the time
9 November: work complete with all necessary sidings
10 November - 19 December: extra side tracks, quarters for RR employees; 15 trains daily.
21 December: work begins on branch from Hancock Station to Fort Blaisdell
29 December: work complete
2 January: orders to extend this branch 2.5 miles to HQ of Crawfords' Division (5th Corps)
20 January: Gregg Branch line opens with station-houses, platforms and water-stations.
8 February: order received to extend Army Line west
13 February: work begins (from Warren Station south down the old bed of the Weldon RR about 2 miles, then right, west, to the Cummings house on the Vaughan road, a distance of 5 miles)
24 February: work to Humphreys Station complete, sidings, buildings, platforms, water-stations; weather rainy almost the whole time
---- "A number of hospital cars were fitted up for the purpose of moving the sick and wounded from the front and along the line to City Point. These were kept in almost constant use."
Added 2 passenger trains daily for mail, officers and others to/from the front.
"At the time of building the Army Line many of the officers of the Army of the Potomac, together with the regular Engineer Corps, denounced this location, declaring that it would be impossible for an engine alone to ascend the heavy grades; and as for furnishing the necessary supplies for the army over it, they considered it altogether out of the question."
15 loaded cars/train (up to 23) pulled by one ordinary engine
21 miles, 3955 feet with 1 mile, 1393 feet of trestle at an average 21 feet high
28 February - 3 April: not much of note; maintenance, improvements, building up rolling-stock, timber and iron ready to move the army.
3 April: abandoned the Army Line and began relaying South Side RR to Petersburg.
4 April: that road open and in running order; yard work in Petersburg to change gauge.
11 April: completed gauge change on South Side RR to Burkeville, 62 miles from City Point, and trains began running with supplies
Abstract and Chronology of construction, from Official Records III(5):69-74
Mr. C.L. McAlpine, engineer of construction and repairs
13 June: take up track of Richmond and York River RR, remove all material of value
18 June: arrive at City Point, orders to rebuild City Point and Petersburg RR
"the bridges were gone, track taken up, and the iron removed for a distance of four miles."
" ... on to within two miles and a half from Petersburg ... ties were very much decayed and the gauge needed changing from five feet to four feet eight and one-half inches."
5 July: bridges all rebuilt, track repaired and road in running order for 7 miles
7 July: regular trains start running
22 July: orders to make a preliminary survey of branch line from Pitkin Station (5.5 miles from City Point) to 5th Corps HQ at Yellow House. Survey made w/o instruments.
9 August: explosion, accidental[??] of ammunition stored on ordnance boat
30 August: orders to commence building Pitkin to Yellow House
1 September: work commenced
10 September: Pitkin to Yellow House (9 miles), City Point to Yellow House (14.5 miles)
?? September: construction of earthworks about 0.5 miles to protect open track from rebel batteries
October: road bed put in first-rate order, the yard at City Point enlarged, switches, sidings, turn-tables, engine-house, shops; at all stations, sidings laid and station-houses built. Average of 9 trains run each way daily.
22 October: orders received to extend to Peebles house (2.25 miles)
2 November: work on Patrick branch begins; weather raining nearly all the time
9 November: work complete with all necessary sidings
10 November - 19 December: extra side tracks, quarters for RR employees; 15 trains daily.
21 December: work begins on branch from Hancock Station to Fort Blaisdell
29 December: work complete
2 January: orders to extend this branch 2.5 miles to HQ of Crawfords' Division (5th Corps)
20 January: Gregg Branch line opens with station-houses, platforms and water-stations.
8 February: order received to extend Army Line west
13 February: work begins (from Warren Station south down the old bed of the Weldon RR about 2 miles, then right, west, to the Cummings house on the Vaughan road, a distance of 5 miles)
24 February: work to Humphreys Station complete, sidings, buildings, platforms, water-stations; weather rainy almost the whole time
---- "A number of hospital cars were fitted up for the purpose of moving the sick and wounded from the front and along the line to City Point. These were kept in almost constant use."
Added 2 passenger trains daily for mail, officers and others to/from the front.
"At the time of building the Army Line many of the officers of the Army of the Potomac, together with the regular Engineer Corps, denounced this location, declaring that it would be impossible for an engine alone to ascend the heavy grades; and as for furnishing the necessary supplies for the army over it, they considered it altogether out of the question."
15 loaded cars/train (up to 23) pulled by one ordinary engine
21 miles, 3955 feet with 1 mile, 1393 feet of trestle at an average 21 feet high
28 February - 3 April: not much of note; maintenance, improvements, building up rolling-stock, timber and iron ready to move the army.
3 April: abandoned the Army Line and began relaying South Side RR to Petersburg.
4 April: that road open and in running order; yard work in Petersburg to change gauge.
11 April: completed gauge change on South Side RR to Burkeville, 62 miles from City Point, and trains began running with supplies
Thursday, February 27, 2014
Union Forts at Petersburg
Based on the Official Records, Series III, Volume 5, pages 173 - 182, the following map shows the growth of Union fortifications at Petersburg from June 1864 through April 1865. The "Narrative collated from the reports of N. Michler" lays out a fairly detailed chronological description of how fortifications came about and when. The original map is from Michler's 1866 version, scanned at 600dpi (2 inches/mile) at the National Archives in College Park, MD, July 2013. This version, scaled by a factor of 6 to 200 pixels/mile has also been cropped to show only the relevant fortifications.
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